Eine Quelle der Inspiration

Wie Sie schon gesehen haben, ist die Person des österreichischen Wissenschaftlers Dr. Emil Kurtenauer, der von Bielek erwähnt wird, ein reines Phantasieprodukt 'geliehen' aus dem Buch 'Thin Air' von Burger & Simpson (siehe auch: 'Bieleks unwahre Behauptungen über Wissenschaftler'). Aber während wir alle möglichen Querverbindungen zwischen Bielek und Firmen / Instituten, die in der Forschung tätig sind, untersuchten, stolperten wir über diese Aufzeichnung eines Projektes zur Archivierung von Interviews ehemaliger Wissenschaftler und Ingenieure der IEEE (etwa das Gegenstück zum Verband Deutscher Elektro-Ingenieure). Der Wissenschaftler, dessen Interview hier wiedergegeben ist, berichtet über seine früheren Arbeiten und seinen Lebenslauf, und dieses Interview enthält eine auffallende Fülle an Gemeinsamkeiten mit der Lebensgeschichte des erfundenen Dr. Emil Kurtenauer, wie Bielek in beschrieben hat. Bielek selbst ist bekanntermaßen ebenfalls Elektro-Ingenieur und unterhält deshalb sehr wahrscheinlich auch Kontakte zur IEEE. Es ist somit nicht weit hergeholt, daß Bielek auch dieses Interview kennt. In diesem Interview tauchen immer wieder Einzelheiten auf, die sehr wohl in die Geschichte des Philadelphia Experiments und des Montauk Projekts passen, wie Bielek es beschrieben hat. Außerdem gibt es einen guten Einblick in die Entwicklung und den Einsatz von Radar und Radar-Gegenmaßnahmen, wie sie durch die Deutschen und Alliierten im Zweiten Weltkrieg eingesetzt wurden.

Dr. Emil Kurtenauer, ein österreichischer Physiker, war angeblich an der Planung und Durchführung des Philadelphia Experiments beteiligt - so behauptet jedenfalls Al Bielek in seiner berühmten Rede anläßlich der MUFON Konferenz von 1990 in Phoenix, Arizona. Schon fünf Monate vorher war Bielek Gastredner bei der UFO-NEW AGE CONFERENCE in Phoenix, Arizona, und Bielek behauptete, daß er die Mitglieder der Forschergruppe kannte, die das Philadelphia Experiment vorbereitet hatten. Als Namen nannte Bielek Nikola Tesla, John Hutchinson und Emil Kurtenauer. Bielek änderte diesen Namen später in Kirtenhauer, wie auch immer, es soll sich jedenfalls um einen Österreicher gehandelt haben. Hier ein Auszug aus der Rede von der UFO-New Age Conference:

"Actually, the Philadelphia Experiment, at least in its preliminary stages, probably began about 1932-'33 in the Chicago area. The popular scientific press of the day was very hot on the subject of invisibility. It was at that time that a small team of scientists got together and started to investigate the subject and its possibilities. The team included John Hutchinson, Dean of the University of Chicago; the brilliant Nicola Tesla, and a third man who has been very hard to identify. I finally tracked him down as Dr. Emil Kurtenauer, an Austrian, who had a Ph.D. in physics."

Um den Lebenslauf dieser erfundenen Person abzurunden, lesen Sie hier die Beschreibung aus dem Buch "Thin Air", Seite 153:

„It (project Thin Air) was initiated by a man named Emil Kurtnauer, whose roots in it extend back to 1933.“
„Emil Kurtnauer was an austrian physicist much influenced by Albert Einsteins’s theories of relativity. He was studying in Duesseldorf in October of 1933 when Einstein and Niels Bohr met in conference at Bruessels. Kurtnauer went there and pestered them until Einstein agreed to sit down with him for two whole days they discussed an application of Einstein’s unified field theory that Kurtnauer wanted to work on. Einstein took great pains trying to talk him out of it, insisting that the theory, which he’d put forth in 1929, was desperately flawed and any applications of it could only compound the error. Kurtnauer insisted to the contrary: there was something to it and he intended to devote himself to this project. Einstein, sensing determination, encouraged him to send over his findings and he in turn would keep Kurtnauer advised of his own progress. So Kurtnauer happily went home.“
„... Kurtnauer, a jew, fled Germany in 1935, emigrating to America. He got in touch with Einstein, who helped him secure a teaching post at the University of Chicago.“

Und nun zu der Person, dessen Lebenslauf und wissenschaftliche Forschungsarbeit erstaunliche Parallelen mit Dr, Kurtenauer aufweist und möglicherweise Bielek dazu inspiriert hat, diesen Wissenschaftler mit in seine Geschichte 'einzubauen'.

Der hier befragte Elektro-Ingenieur heißt Herman Schwan, und wurde am 7. August 1915 in Aachen geboren.
Der Link zu diesem Interview ist hier:
http://www.ieee.org/organizations/history_center/oral_histories/transcripts/schwan.html

These are the parts which are the most interesting:

SCHWAN: I was born in Aachen. I lived there only two and a half years so I have virtually no memory of the town whatsoever. Then my father was active as a teacher in a little town called Bad Kreuznach near the Rhine River, about ten miles south of Bingen. That was perhaps its best time. We lived there for some ten years. That was the time when my father was in close contact with the faculty at Frankfurt, which was reached by train in an hour or so. I think he wrote most of his publications, and his books as well, in Kreuznach.

NEBEKER: I see. Where did you live after you left Kreuznach?

SCHWAN: For a few years we lived in Dusseldorf, which is a city north of Cologne.

NEBEKER: When did you move there?

SCHWAN: We moved to Dusseldorf about 1928.

Anmerkung: Düsseldorf wird auch in 'Thin Air' als der Ort beschrieben, an dem Dr. Kurtenauer studiert haben soll.

......

SCHWAN: No. I certainly was undernourished as a baby. Food supplies were very restricted in Germany, of course, at the time. We suffered from that. Right after the First World War, the situation got worse instead of better. A few years later, we experienced tremendous inflation, where we purchased with billion mark notes. The standard of living was low. Even so, we enjoyed a level of security. My father was a good teacher. He had excellent training, and, until 1933, he had a secure position. At least there was regular income. We didn't suffer as much as many other people. From 'twenty-four to the time when the Nazis took over, Germany enjoyed a good economic period where income was rather good, and we enjoyed a relatively high standard of living as well. The years from 1926 to 1930 were particularly good. I like to think of that Germany. Then of course in 'thirty, the big depression came. We had just a few relatively good years between the inflation and the depression. We were all right until my father got released from his job.

NEBEKER: What was your father's subsequent career?

SCHWAN: He never had another job. He lived rather meagerly. During the war he moved to Austria, where he felt safer from the bombings. But then after the Second World War, when Austria was again separated from Germany, he moved back to Hannoe-Munden near Gottingen; and there he died. Late in his years, when he was about sixty, after the Second World War, he wrote five scientific papers which got published in mathematical journals in Germany. But his creativity was almost wiped out in the depressed period which followed his forcible retirement.

Anmerkung: Österreich wird hier zum erstenmal erwähnt. Es war zwar nicht Schwan selbst, der nach Österreich ging, aber sein Vater. Dieser Umstand macht Schwan zwar auch noch nicht zum Österreicher, aber die Verbindung liegt auf der Hand.

.......

NEBEKER: Did your father teach at a gymnasium in Dusseldorf?

SCHWAN: Yes. He taught mathematics and physics.

Anmerkung: Das hier seiht aus wie eine Art 'Prototyp' aus dem später unser Dr. Kurtenauer geworden ist. Ein Wissenschaftler, der Mathematik und Physik in Düsseldorf unterrichtet, und später nach Österreich geht. Alles ist da. Der Kurtenauer-Charakter scheint eine Mischung aus Herman Schwan und seinem Vater zu sein.

.......

NEBEKER: Was your father was forcibly retired from his position at Bad Kreuznach?

SCHWAN: No, that was after Dusseldorf (in 1934). At Dusseldorf he was again transferred to a city quite close to Berlin -- and there it hit him.

NEBEKER: That was also the year, that you completed gymnasium?

SCHWAN: In Gottingen, yes. My father was temporarily living in Gottingen. He decided that my mother would stay there. My father felt that I should attend high school in Gottingen. As a mathematician he was aware of the reputation of the school in Gottingen. Hermann Weyl's sons attended my high school. One was in the class above me; the other son was the class below me.

NEBEKER: Did you know the Weyls moved to Princeton?

SCHWAN: Yes. Max Born and Courant's children attended the same school. We were all about the same age.

NEBEKER: I can certainly understand the decision to go to high school there in Gottingen. Was the move to Gottingen expressly for that purpose?

SCHWAN: My parents had separated. It was my father's wish that my mother should move to Gottingen so that I could receive a good education. The Gottingen years were very important to me. I had an excellent school with excellent teachers. It was a very intellectual environment with good teachers. The school was one of the strong influences in my lifetime.

Anmerkung: Hier sehen wir einen möglichen Zusammenhang mit Princeton.

.......

NEBEKER: You completed gymnasium in 'thirty-four?

SCHWAN: Yes.

NEBEKER: How many years did you attend?

SCHWAN: I was in Gottingen four years in high school.

........

SCHWAN: That happened later. I first started in Frankfurt in October 1937. I had arranged with the Director of the institute in Frankfurt that I would be permitted to get the next summertime free, in Berlin. I liked my work at Telefunken very much. It was during that summer 1938 that I worked in their high-frequency, very high-frequency, laboratory. They were working primarily on transmission lines. They made Smith charts and diagrammed and measured with coaxial measuring systems. I got quite familiar with relevant very high-frequency technology. As a sideline I learned about magnetron development. I believe the magnetron was discovered in England. The people at Telefunken were very interested in it.

NEBEKER: Were they interested in this for radio communications purposes?

SCHWAN: It is not quite clear. I think they were strongly interested in radar development.

NEBEKER: They were developing radar at Telefunken?

SCHWAN: Oh, yes. As a matter of fact, when the war started in 1939, the Germans developed the fairly well-known Würzburg type of equipment which operated at a wavelength of about one and one-half meters. They were operating at a rather low frequency by comparison with the 2400 megahertz which the United States used later in 'forty-three. They never made it to higher frequencies than that. They operated at lower wavelengths where, of course, resolution is not as good as it is at the higher frequencies. They developed some good magnetrons. It's an irony of history that a few months after the war started in 'thirty-nine the Nazis closed the Magnetron Development Laboratory since they thought it unnecessary for the war. Can you imagine that?

NEBEKER: Had they been developing radar for the military in Germany?

SCHWAN: Yes.

Anmerkung: Hier nun lesen wir, daß Schwan auch an streng geheimen deutschen Radar-Projekten arbeitete. Und noch etwas Wichtiges: Es existitierte ein deutsches Entwicklungslabor, daß schon 1939 das erste deutsche Magnetron entwickelt hatte (ein Magnetron war für die Erzeugung starker Radarwellen erforderlich), und das war etwas, was auch die Alliierten gewußt haben müßten. Somit war die Bedrohung durch die deutsche Radartechnik schon recht groß, was es sicherlich erforderlich gemacht hat, sofort bei Kriegsbeginn mit der intensiven Erforschung der Radartechnik und aller möglichen Abwehrmaßnahmen zu beginnen.

........

NEBEKER: How did your studies go in Frankfurt?

SCHWAN: Fine. No great problem. By that time I had taken so many engineering courses already, primarily math and physics, that I needed to take only specialty courses. I took courses primarily in biophysics, offered by Professor Rajewsky. I took some courses in theoretical physics. I also took some laboratory courses in physics, and an advanced mathematics course in analytical techniques given by a man named Siegel;. I don't know if you've heard about him. He eventually went to Princeton. He became very famous. He was also considered one of those geniuses. He left Germany in 'thirty-six and immediately was offered a job at the Institute for Advanced Studies in Princeton.

NEBEKER: You received your doctorate in 1941?

SCHWAN: Yes.

Anmerkung: Schwan arbeitete nicht nur an Radar, sondern auch an biophysikalischen Experimenten. Und, zusätzlich zu Princeton finden wir hier auch das Institut für fortgeschrittene Studien (Institute for Advanced Studies) erwähnt, nicht unmittelbar in Zusammenhang mit Schwan, doch immerhin ist es aufgeführt.

........

SCHWAN: Oh, yes. We had many air raids. In March 1944 we experienced a series of four air raids in less than a week. That series of bombings essentially wiped out Frankfurt. The damage was very, very heavy. My mother's house was half destroyed. Curiously enough my apartment house did not suffer. I rented an apartment near I.G. Farben administrative headquarters.

NEBEKER: That sounds dangerous.

SCHWAN: It was completely preserved.

NEBEKER: You're saying the Allied Forces purposely avoided bombing that?

SCHWAN: Yes. Absolutely! It was clear.

NEBEKER: Why is that?

SCHWAN: Well, there are two interpretations. An executive with Du Pont and General Motors offered one interpretation. I was once invited to his estate on the Chesapeake Bay. At one time or another he had been a chief executive officer. Since I was dating a friend of his daughter, he invited me to the estate and offered to help me. He also invited the president of Sperry Gyroscope to his place. He wanted this man to get me a job with Sperry. He told me that I.G. Farben and Du Pont were heavily intertwined. He claimed that in fact Du Pont owned fifty-one percent of the stock of I.G. Farben, and vice versa. He said to me, "We never had any intention to ruin our own headquarters in Germany. That's our stuff." The second interpretation, which I read later on, was that Eisenhower; had decided fairly early that he wanted to have that building complex for his headquarters in Germany. So, I don't know. Anyhow, I didn't suffer much. Windows were blown out, of course. But the building did not suffer much damage. Just two blocks away, however, there was just unbelievable damage.

Anmerkung: Hier nun steht etwas, das Bielek später in einem anderen Zusammenhang erwähnt hat: Die Sperry Corporation taucht auf, und offensichtlich wollten sie Schwan anwerben. Schwan, ein Experte in Radartechnik und Biophysik, sollte für die Sperry Corporation arbeiten? Dieser Umstand wurde wohl von Bielek in seine Geschichte über das Montauk Projekt eingebaut. Es taucht als die Behauptung auf, Sperry wäre irgendwie im Philaelphia Experiment und Montauk Projekt verwickelt.

NEBEKER: Was it possible to continue doing research in those last years of the war?

SCHWAN: Our work suffered more and more.

NEBEKER: Did it continue?

SCHWAN: It continued. It continued, oh, yes.

NEBEKER: You continued working on the same topics?

SCHWAN: Actually, yes. But our work had shifted. Curiously enough, I continued doing what I wanted to do until 'forty-three. In 'forty-three, Rajewsky; returned from a trip to Berlin. The Armed Forces had called a meeting of physicists. They had been instructed that submarines couldn't operate in the Atlantic anymore because they were being detected by radar. The government gave orders to do something about it. Some physicists were to develop materials to cover submarines which would not reflect radar beams. What was radar called in this country? It was called the "snorkel concept." You may have heard about it.

NEBEKER: Rajewsky was asked to work on that?

SCHWAN: Yes. He came back from that meeting. Of course, since I was the most advanced in dielectric technology and dielectric measurements at the institute, I was supposed to measure materials which might be useful. It was a fairly small effort. There were three groups of people at a number of different institutes, including theoreticians, who were developing so-called swamp materials. The materials would absorb radiation.
As a consequence, the code name was "Chimney Sweeper," because of the idea of blackness. The theoretical group worked to develop concepts of what combination of materials might be useful. Then there was industry, charged with the problem of how to produce such materials, if possible. Other groups developed methods to test whether the properties met I.G. Farben's specifications. I continued to develop microwave technology to higher frequencies and to measure properties with increasing sophistication.

Anmerkung: Und als letztes Sahnehäubchen lesen wir hier, daß Schwan später auch an speziellen Fosrchungsprojekten zum Schutz von U-Booten gegen Radarerfassung gearbeitet hat. Hier nun haben wir die direkte Verbindung zum Philadelphia Experiment. Die Deutschen arbeiteten an einer 'Hardware'-Lösung des Problems, während die Amerikaner eine 'Software'-Lösung suchten - das Philadelphia Experiment.

........

NEBEKER: You called this system to make the submarines invisible to radar, "swamp"?

SCHWAN: Yes. Sumpf. It's a German word.

NEBEKER: Was this system actually implemented?

SCHWAN: Yes, it was.

NEBEKER: What kind of material did you use?

SCHWAN: It was a combination, a layered material. At each interface reflections take place. You can calculate the reflection coefficient as a function of the layer properties. It's easy to design the properties for minimal reflection.

NEBEKER: Was it known what frequencies the Allies were using for their radar?

SCHWAN: Yes, it was known that the twelve-centimeter band was the most popular radar equipment in existence. The Allies had developed the twelve-centimeter radar. The swamp was effective between ten and fifty centimeter wavelengths. The intensity of reflection was decreased ten-fold. That material was applied just to the towers of the submarines, which had to emerge above water to recharge their diesel engine batteries. The German subs became operative for one or two months shortly after the production of this material. It was in late 'forty-four when the Germans were sinking something like 200,000 tons of Allied shipping across the Atlantic each month. But the Germans had nothing later, when the Allies operated equipment at three centimeter wavelengths. That was way out of range.

NEBEKER: How important was your group in developing this material?

SCHWAN: We didn't develop the material. We measured its properties. In other words, we had to check if certain specifications were met. The theoreticians developed an idea of what properties they wanted to have realized.

Anmerkung: 'Sumpf' gab den deutschen U-Booten nochmals eine kurze Gnadenfrist von etwa 2 Monaten, danach setzten die Alliierten Radar mit einer Wellenlänge von 3 Zentimetern ein und der Vorteil ging wieder verloren.

.........

NEBEKER: Were you also working on understanding interactions of biological materials with electro magnetic fields? SCHWAN: Yes. There were some very early beginnings. I became aware of work which had been conducted in the late 'thirties in Vienna. One scientist there tried to develop a theory to explain so-called pearl-chain formation, which is the alignment of particles in a high-frequency field. This later on became very important in biotechnology, for example. This primitive theory attracted my attention at that time. It was 'thirty-eight already. Interest in the biological effects of electrical fields was generated almost simultaneously with the interest in electric properties. Both things go hand in hand.

NEBEKER: I gather that you were most innovative in the instrumentation in this area?

SCHWAN: I made major advances in instrumentation, yes. I began my work in Germany, but I did most of the work after I came to this country.

NEBEKER: You say also in the article that there was, in fact, the formation of a biophysical society in 1943. What were the activities of this society?

SCHWAN: We primarily conducted organizational meetings. Not many meetings took place during the war. Immediately after the war, meetings started up again. Traveling became more and more difficult after Stalingrad. After the initial meeting, not much happened for the remainder of the war. But after the Second World War it started right away again with a series of meetings in or near Frankfurt.

NEBEKER: Right about this time, I think it was 1944, Erwin Schrödinger; published What Is Life? That book attracted a number of physicists to biology with the promise that physics could offer explanations of biological phenomena. Were you aware of that publication at the time?

SCHWAN: Not immediately. Yes. I certainly became aware of Schrödinger book, eventually.

Anmerkung: Die Wirkung von elektromagnetischen Wellen auf menschliches Zellgewebe wurde auch in Deutschland untersucht. Die Amerikaner lernet Ihre Lektion diesbezüglich mit dem Philadelphia Experiment.

.........

SCHWAN: The fact that there was first a vacuum simply resulted from the fact that people didn't understand what I was doing. Cole and Fricke, yes. I met Cole and Fricke. But most of the physiologists didn't even understand Cole. I remember very well when I came to the University of Pennsylvania, that the physiologists often said to me, "Herman, you seem to understand that work of Cole. Can you explain it to us? We have no idea if that's important or not." I tried my best, of course, to do so. The physiologists and early biophysicists just were not trained enough to understand the relevance of this work. It took quite some time. I think an interest in such biophysical investigation started to develop very slowly. Interest increased after two British physiologists, Hodgkin and Huxley, got the Nobel Prize for their work on the electric properties of nerve axons. Then interest in that sort of work grew fairly fast. Cole told me that he brought my work to the attention of Falk and Fatt. My first presentation was in 1950 at the American Physiological Society meeting in Columbus, Ohio. Then I tried to publish it in physiological journals. There was no biophysical journal at that time. I was turned down twice, by two journals. I was very discouraged. And then I submitted it to a German journal where it was published in 'fifty-five -- five years after the Columbus meeting. By 'fifty-six I did have a reputation in the field and I was asked to write a review article on electric properties of biological materials. I wrote a long review article which was published in 'fifty-seven, where I reported for the first time in English about all that sort of work. There was only that German publication before and the abstract, which doesn't say much. This review article was a great success. I think it has been quoted in the Citation Index almost a thousand times. It's still being quoted since it was the first really comprehensive treatment of electrical properties of biological materials. Apparently Cole sent a reprint of this article to the British investigators sometime, I don't know when. They published their work in 'sixty-four.

Anmerkung: Erinnern wir uns, daß Bielek und Nichols beide Mitglieder in der United States Psychotronics Association (USPA) waren, die wiederum mit Sicherheit Verbindungen zur American Physiological Society unterhält. Man darf getrost annehmen, daß als Bielek, Nichols und Cameron Material für den 'Bau' ihrer Geschichte suchten, sie auch dieses Interview gefunden haben. Viele Einzelheiten, die Bielek später in seiner Geschichte benutzt hat, tauchen hier auf, wenn auch teilweise in anderen Zusammenhängen

........

SCHWAN: Nothing comes immediately to mind, I must say. There was a reorientation and that is perhaps significant to point out. As we discussed before, there was an interest in therapeutic and diagnostic applications: diathermy techniques, echocardiography, things like that. But then later interest in the deleterious effect developed. Hazards, in other words. That also developed in the electromagnetic case. During the war, the Navy had had some concern about the ship radar. But the diathermy interests continued stronger than the interests in health hazards. Then by the late 'fifties, interest in hazards was sufficiently strong so that the IEEE and the Navy cosponsored the American Standards Institute. Committee C-95, and in 'fifty-nine I became chairman of the committee.

Anmerkung: Schwan berichtete viel über die Gefahren durch Radarwellen (und elektromagnetischen Feldern insgesamt). In Verbindung mit dem, was er über seine Forschungsarbeit in Biophysik erzählte, können wir einige Gedanken auch in der Geschichte des Montauk Projektes wiederfinden, wie sie von Bielek, Nichols und Cameron erzählt wird.

NEXT: Stellungnahmen der Ermittler